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第11章

This was what "Minister Liao" and five other elite PLA veterans settled upon as the most feasible course of action after months of study and investigation. Their report to the central government, which received Deng Xiaoping's personal approval, was the basis for Deng's later proclamation that "stocks will still trade, horses will still run, and the dancing will go on" , as well as policies such as "One Country, Two Systems" , "Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong with a high degree of autonomy" , and "fifty years with no change" . China had already prepared for the worst. If Britain were to derail the negotiations by adopting an uncooperative attitude, China had already drawn up plans to unilaterally resolve the Hong Kong issue. In June, 1983, at the opening of the Sixth National People's Congress, the plans were submitted for discussion.

As soon as word of China's plans emerged, Thatcher's premature calculations were thrown into chaos. She understood that once the National People's Congress passed plans for unilateral resolution of the Hong Kong issue, it meant that China was prepared to retake Hong Kong by force. Britain would lose the whole of its economic interests in Hong Kong, and would find itself completely routed on the entire Hong Kong question! The Iron Lady was left with no choice but to take a softer tack. In a letter to Premier Zhao Ziyang, she expressed a willingness to accept "limited concessions" , breaking the deadlock in the "secret" Sino-UK negotiations.

On August 12, 1983, the second stage of negotiations began.

But no sooner had they begun than the Chinese side lost one of its most important captains: Liao Chengzhi.

On June 6, 1983, at the First Plenum of the Sixth National People's Congress, Liao Chengzhi was named as a candidate for the position of Vice President of the People's Republic of China. But on June 10, he was cut down by a heart attack.

"A general cut down before his victory, his heroes' capes soaked with tears."

When Lu Ping and other colleagues went to the hospital to visit him, Liao was having difficulty breathing. But as long as he drew breath, he remained engaged with Hong Kong. He discussed with Lu Ping what obstacles the Sino-UK negotiations might encounter, as well as what problems they might confront prior to Hong Kong's return.

Seeing "Minister Liao" preoccupied with the talks, and with Hong Kong's return constantly on his mind, Lu Ping found himself borne down by grief for his friend. They had worked together for many years, and had forged a genuine bond of trust.

Lu Ping was born in one of Shanghai's concession districts. His father was a patriotic professor who rejected the rule of the collaborationist "Reorganized National Government" . Lu Ping graduated from St. John's University in Shanghai, and went to work for the Soong Ching-ling-led China Welfare Fund. He later transferred to the newly-founded Building China (a publicity magazine meant for foreign audiences) as the deputy editor-in-chief of the editorial department. Branded as a "counterrevolutionary" during the Cultural Revolution, he was attacked at struggle sessions. His house was ransacked, and his entire family sent to the countryside for eight years of "reform through labor" . In May, 1978, the State Council established the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office, and designated Liao Chengzhi as its new head. Liao promptly called Lu Ping back from the countryside. For the next five years, the two of them undertook "united front" work in preparation for Hong Kong's return. Lu had a deep appreciation for Liao's humor, optimism, and personal bravery. In 1980, he went with Liao Chengzhi to the United States for the latter's heart surgery, and spent a nervous, sleepless night in the hospital as the latter snored so unbearably until the morning light.

Liao said, laughing, "This surgery's no big deal for me. I'm already on my fifth life. I was detained four times, and released four times. One time Zhang Guotao[6] dragged me out to the execution grounds to have me shot. I was lucky that Zhou Enlai was able to send someone in time, otherwise I wouldn't be here today."

Lu Ping wished that a steadfast, optimistic official like Liao could strong-arm his way back through the gates of hell, just like he had so many times before! He was needed—at the Sino-UK negotiations, by his Hong Kong compatriots, and especially by his comrades in the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office.

It was truly a pity. Lu Ping couldn't bring himself to accept the cruel reality. He wanted to wrap Liao in a bawling embrace. But he could only hold back his tears, force a smile onto his face, and listen with respect to Liao's final instructions.

The last memory Lu had of Liao was a warning, telling him what obstacles the next stage of negotiations might encounter, and the problems they might run into prior to Hong Kong's return. He was leaving Lu Ping an example by which to live his life. Soon after it came time for Lu Ping to assume leadership of the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office and carry forward the arduous negotiations with Britain, he found himself undergoing surgery for a life-threatening stomach cancer. He owed the calmness and serenity with which he carried himself during this time to the strength he was able to derive from Liao Chengzhi's example.

Twenty-Two Rounds of Arduous Negotiations

On July 12, 1983, the second stage of Sino-UK negotiations formally commenced in the Diaoyutai State Guesthouse in Beijing. Once again leading the two delegations were Vice-Foreign Minister Yao Guang and British Ambassador Cradock, who were later succeeded by Vice-Foreign Minister Zhou Nan and Richard Evans (Cradock's successor as UK Ambassador to China).

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