Britain was an empire par excellance, one that had come up in the world by stripping its colonies of their wealth. It was a pro at plunder, deeply versed in the tricks of its trade, and would fight for every last cent where its own interests were concerned. It would not lightly let go of Hong Kong, its "golden egg-laying goose" , the last plump bit of colonial carrion it had left.
On September 27th, Thatcher called a press conference in Hong Kong. At the conference she spouted a stream of empty rhetoric, saying: "The three treaties remain in effect. They remain legal. Britain rules Hong Kong on the basis of these treaties!" adding, "Britain has a moral responsibility to the five million people of Hong Kong!"
Thatcher's "bandit mentality" prompted furious protests by patriotic Hong Kong youth and students, and drew harsh criticism from China's government, foreign ministry, and Xinhua News Agency. They denounced Thatcher's fallacies in grave language: "Hong Kong is the result of Britain's imperialism's invasion of China and its policies of 'gunboat diplomacy'! The unequal treaties hung upon the heads of the Chinese people are ironclad proof of British imperialist plunder of Chinese territory. They are [therefore] illegal and invalid. China will never recognize them! China is resolute [in its desire] to retake Hong Kong. It is useless to resist China's determination to retake Hong Kong!"
On January 28, 1983, in a meeting with her negotiators, Thatcher threw out another explosive idea: "If the negotiations don't work out, we might consider supporting [Hong Kong] independence or autonomy in the UN. We could let everyone in Hong Kong vote, put the question to a referendum!"
In the meantime, the two sides had held five informal talks at the Foreign Ministry's guesthouse at No. 3 Dongjiaomin Alley in Beijing, led by Vice-Foreign Minister Yao Guang and British Ambassador Cradock. But each stuck to its positions, and the talks made little progress.
Bewitched by Miss Thatcher's provocative statements, the mood of Hong Kong's people swung wildly, and rumors abounded. The future was cloudy. In the end, would Hong Kong end up with Britain, or with China?
On Death's Door, He Thought Only of Hong Kong's Return
I want now to discuss one person who has already departed.
The people of Hong Kong brought him up countless times as I was conducting my interviews, fondly referring to him as "Minister Liao" . They recalled his amiability, saying that he never carried the airs of a high official. He frequently took the time to sit down for a tea and a chat; he also proposed the "three passages" between Hong Kong and the mainland—referring to ferries, trains, and planes—making life more convenient for Hong Kong's people.
This "Minister Liao" referred to by the people of Hong Kong is Liao Chengzhi, former head of the PRC State Council's Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office.[5]
Liao Chengzhi was the son of Liao Zhongkai—a leader of the Kuomintang's left wing and pioneer in China's democratic revolution—and He Xiangning. He was born in Japan and graduated from Waseda University. The characters of his given name, which mean "upholding ambition" , represent his father's hope that he would continue working for the revolutionary aspirations of his elders, and fight for China's independence and freedom. Liao Chengzhi dedicated his life to liberating China and national unity. He took part in the Long March, was a key contributor to the normalization of Sino-Japanese relations, and devoted himself body and soul to the return of Hong Kong and Macau. His friendship with Chiang Ching-kuo dated back to their time as classmates. In September of 1982, putting aside his father's murder by gangsters under the control of the Kuomingtang's right wing—as well as his own enmity at being held multiple times by KMT forces—Liao issued an open letter to Chiang Ching-kuo, expressing his ardent hope that Taiwan's officials could cast aside past animosities, and help to realize the unity of their motherland by focusing on the interests of their nation's people. Unfortunately, Chiang never replied.
At the time, the hearts and minds of Hong Kong's people were in chaos, caught between the British and Chinese positions, unable to tell true from false.
In his role as head of the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office and the five-person group representing the Xinhua News Agency in Hong Kong, he busied himself, delving into Hong Kong life, constantly on the move between meetings with people from every corner of society. In the meetings he explained China's determination to bring Hong Kong back into the fold, explained its policies towards Hong Kong, and clarified China's views: "We're determined, and we will not be swayed! Some say Britain is hoping to extend its rule of Hong Kong. I'm here to inform you all, that [colonial rule] is not a bus line or a trolley line; it cannot be extended on a whim!"
Liao Chengzhi was fluent in Cantonese, and had a number of close friends in Hong Kong. In conversation he was both persuasive and inspiring. No one had any idea that this seventy-four year-old man had a stent placed in his heart two years earlier in the United States.
Liao Chengzhi made this solemn decree:
"On August 1, 1997, the British flag will be lowered, and the governorship of Hong Kong will cease to exist. How will the return of Hong Kong be handled? I'll tell you all, the return of Hong Kong's sovereignty will not see the central government send people [to rule Hong Kong]. Hong Kong's status quo will be protected, and its social order and standard of living will be kept as they were before, as will its status as a free port, and as a center of trade and finance … power will be held by senior officials overseeing the special administrative region. From where will these people come? They will come from Hong Kong itself! The mainland will not send its own people…"
