The watchful and exasperated Jacobins found abundant offense in its omissions.On the whole great subject of possible emancipation it was blankly silent.The nearest it came to this subject was one suggestion which applied only to those captured slaves who had been forfeited by the disloyal owners through being employed to assist the Confederate government Lincoln advised that after receiving their freedom they be sent out of the country and colonized "at some place,or places,in a climate congenial to them."Beyond this there was nothing bearing on the slavery question except the admonition--so unsatisfactory to Chandler and all his sort--that while "the Union must be preserved,and hence all indispensable means must be employed,"Congress should "not be in haste to determine that radical and extreme measures,which may reach the loyal as well as the disloyal,are indispensable."Lincoln was entirely clear in his own mind that there was but one way to head off the passion of destruction that was rioting in the Jacobin temper."In considering the policy to be adopted in suppressing the insurrection,I have been anxious and careful that the inevitable conflict for this purpose shall not degenerate into a violent and remorseless revolutionary struggle.I have,therefore,in every case,thought it proper to keep the integrity of the Union prominent as the primary object of the contest on our part,leaving all questions which are not of vital military importance to the more deliberate action of the Legislature."He persisted in regarding the war as an insurrection of the "disloyal portion of the American people,"not as an external struggle between the North and the South.
Finally,the culmination of the message was a long elaborate argument upon the significance of the war to the working classes.His aim was to show that the whole trend of the Confederate movement was toward a conclusion which would "place capital on an equal footing with,if not above,labor,in the structure of government."Thus,as so often before,he insisted on his own view of the significance in American politics of all issues involving slavery--their bearing on the condition of the free laborer.In a very striking passage,often overlooked,he ranked himself once more,as first of all,a statesman of "the people,"in the limited class sense of the term."Labor is prior to and independent of capital.Capital is only the fruit of labor and could never have existed if labor had not first existed.Labor is the superior of capital,and deserves much the higher consideration."But so far is he from any revolutionary purpose,that he adds immediately,"Capital has its rights which are as worthy of protection as any other rights."His crowning vision is not communism.His ideal world is one of universal opportunity,with labor freed of every hindrance,with all its deserving members acquiring more and more of the benefits of property.
Such a message had no consolation for Chandler,Wade,or,as he then was,for Trumbull.They looked about for a way to retaliate.And now two things became plain.That "agitation of the summer"to which Hay refers,had borne fruit,but not enough fruit.Many members of Congress who had been swept along by the President's policy in July had been won over in the reaction against him and were ripe for manipulation;but it was not yet certain that they held the balance of power in Congress.To lock horns with the Administration,in December,would have been so rash a move that even such bold men as Chandler and Wade avoided it.Instead,they devised an astute plan of campaign.Trumbull was Chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee,and in that important position would bide his time to bring pressure to bear on the President through his influence upon legislation.Wade and Chandler would go in for propaganda.But they would do so in disguise.What more natural than that Congress should take an active interest in the army,should wish to do all in its power to "assist"the President in rendering the army -efficient.For that purpose it was proposed to establish a joint committee of the two Houses having no function but to look into military needs and report to Congress.The proposal was at once accepted and its crafty backers secured a committee dominated entirely by themselves.Chandler was a member;Wade became Chairman.[3]This Committee on the Conduct of the War became at once an inquisition.Though armed with no weapon but publicity,its close connection with congressional intrigue,its hostility to the President,the dramatic effect of any revelations it chose to make or any charges it chose to bring,clothed it indirectly with immense power.Its inner purpose may be stated in the words of one of its members,"A more vigorous prosecution of the war and less tenderness toward slavery."[4]Its mode of procedure was in constant interrogation of generals,in frequent advice to the President,and on occasion in threatening to rouse Congress against him.[5]A session of the Committee was likely to be followed by a call on the President of either Chandler or Wade.
The Committee began immediately summoning generals before it to explain what the army was doing.And every general was made to understand that what the Committee wanted,what Congress wanted,what the country wanted,was an advance--"something doing"as soon as possible.
And now appeared another characteristic of the mood of these furious men.They had become suspicious,honestly suspicious.
This suspiciousness grew with their power and was rendered frantic by being crossed.Whoever disagreed with them was instantly an object of distrust;any plan that contradicted their views was at once an evidence of treason.
