What Harley had sought in the subornation of Eaton had been as much the moral effect of his defection as the tangible results themselves.If he could shake the confidence of the city and State in the freebooter's victorious star, he would have done a good day's work.He wanted the impression to spread that Ridgway's success had passed its meridian.
Nor did he fail of his purpose by more than a hair's breadth.The talk of the street saw the beginning of the end.The common voice ran: "It's 'God help Ridgway' now.He's down and out."But Waring Ridgway was never more dangerous than in apparent defeat.If he were hit hard by Eaton's treachery, no sign of it was apparent in the jaunty insouciance of his manner.Those having business with him expected to find him depressed and worried, but instead met a man the embodiment of vigorous and confident activity.If the subject were broached, he was ready to laugh with them at Eaton's folly in deserting at the hour when victory was assured.
It was fortunate for Ridgway that the county elections came on early in the spring and gave him a chance to show that his power was still intact.He arranged to meet at once the political malcontents of the State who were banded together against the growing influence of the Consolidated.He had a few days before called together representative men from all parts of the State to discuss a program of action against the enemy, and Ridgway gave a dinner for them at the Quartzite, the evening of Eaton's defection.
He was at the critical moment when any obvious irresolution would have been fatal.His allies were ready to concede his defeat if he would let them.But he radiated such an assured atmosphere of power, such an unconquerable current of vigor, that they could not escape his own conviction of unassailability.He was at his genial, indomitable best, the magnetic charm of fellowship putting into eclipse the selfishness of the man.He had been known to boast of his political exploits, of how he had been the Warwick that had made and unmade governors and United States senators; but the fraternal "we" to-night replaced his usual first personsingular.
The business interests of the Consolidated were supreme all over the State.That corporation owned forests and mills and railroads and mines.It ran sheep and cattle-ranches as well as stores and manufactories.Most of the newspapers in the State were dominated by it.Of a population of two hundred and fifty thousand, it controlled more than half directly by the simple means of filling dinner-pails.That so powerful a corporation, greedy for power and wealth, should create a strong but scattered hostility in the course of its growth, became inevitable.This enmity Ridgway proposed to consolidate into a political organization, with opposition to the trust as its cohesive principle, that should hold the balance of power in the State.
When he rose to explain his object in calling them together, Ridgway's clear, strong presentment of the situation, backed by his splendid bulk and powerful personality, always bold and dramatic, shocked dormant antagonisms to activity as a live current does sluggish inertia.For he had eminently the gift of moving speech.The issue was a simple one, he pointed out.Reduced to ultimates, the question was whether the State should control the Consolidated or the Consolildated the State.With simple, telling force he faced the insidious growth of the big copper company, showing how every independent in the State was fighting for his business life against its encroachments, and was bound to lose unless the opposition was a united one.Let the independents obtain and keep control of the State politically and the trust might be curbed; not otherwise.In eternal vigilance and in union lay safety.
He sat down in silence more impressive than any applause.But after the silence came a deluge of cheers, the thunder of them sweeping up and down the long table like a summer storm across a lake.
